Testimony: Safety Net Plays Key Role in Reducing Poverty

Sarah Bohn, research fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California, testified today, February 14, 2018, before the Senate Budget and Fiscal Review Committee, Informational Hearing on Human Services. The topic of today’s hearing: poverty and social safety net programs. Here are her prepared remarks.

Poverty is high in California, and it has not improved as much as the economy has in recent years. In fact, California’s poverty rate is highest in country, according to our estimates. Throughout this presentation, I will rely on the California Poverty Measure research (a joint effort between PPIC and Stanford) that accounts not only for earnings but also for benefits from major safety net programs and the cost of housing to give a comprehensive, accurate, and state-specific account of the resources families have on hand to meet their basic needs.

We find that 19.5% of Californians were poor as of 2015—that means 7.5 million people living below a basic needs threshold (less than $30,000 in total resources for a family of four). The poverty rate is slightly higher for children at 21.6%. In addition, 5.5% of Californians are in deep poverty—which means they have less than half of what it takes to meet basic needs, or about $15,000 annually for a family of four. Overall, the share of Californians in poverty remains higher than it was before the last recession started and is relatively high by historical standards.

To understand why, providing a long-term picture of how all Californians have fared is helpful. For the bottom half of California families, income has been quite stagnant for at least the past three decades. The bottom 10% are earning less than they were in 1980 (about $20,000) and the bottom 20% are earning just 4% more.  Compare that to the top 10%, which are earning 54% more than they did in 1980.  Much of this is driven by how economic opportunities (especially in the labor market) have changed and polarized – generating both high rates of poverty and high income inequality.

How does this relate to the safety net? With stagnant earnings since 1980, safety net resources become an even more important factor in making ends meet as cost of living increases. Our estimates show that major safety net program benefits play a critical role in mitigating poverty. The California poverty rate would be 8 points higher were it not for these programs—that means an additional 3.1 million Californians would be in poverty. The deep poverty rate would more than double were it not for the safety net.

Looking specifically at CalFresh, CalWORKs, and SSI—the programs we’re focusing on today—we estimate that a large number of Californians are moved out of deep poverty or poverty because of the program benefits they or their family members receive.

Specifically, CalFresh moves 400,000 people out of deep poverty; 800,000 are moved out of poverty.  The numbers are a bit smaller for CalWORKs families (150,000 from deep poverty and 400,000 from poverty), in part because the program reaches fewer families. And finally, SSI moves about 400,000 out of deep poverty and about the same number out of poverty. Keep in mind that families on these programs may be far from the poverty line, so even if they are not technically moved out of poverty, program resources can still be an important way for them to meet basic needs. Families may also benefit from multiple programs in combination.

The safety net plays a critical role in helping make ends meet but income from work is still the biggest component of family resources, even for families in poverty. And as we saw over the long term, the trend in income alone is not positive for families in the bottom half of the income distribution. So in addition to helping families manage in the short term, ideally social safety net programs could contribute to mobility over the long term, counteracting the trend in income inequality. However, one factor limiting the potential impact of safety net resources is the high cost of living in California, driven mostly by housing but also other living expenses like child care and medical costs.

After we consider these other expenses, we end up with poverty rates that are high compared to other states and high within and across California as well.  This is what the poverty looks like across a number of demographic characteristics.

You’ll notice that the incidence of poverty varies the most across education levels (and here we’re only looking at adults age 25–64 who’ve had enough time to acquire education). Men and women are about equally likely to be in poverty. Latinos in California are twice as likely to be poor as white residents (27% vs. 13%), and black and Asian residents fall in between.

Across the state, poverty varies considerably. The highest rate is in Los Angeles, at 25% (with Santa Cruz and Santa Barbara close behind). The lowest is in Placer County at 13% (nearby Sierra counties of Alpine, Mariposa, and others have similar rates).

As we all see day to day, poverty is concentrated much more narrowly than at the county level—sometimes it varies neighborhood to neighborhood. In fact, we find that the highest and lowest rates of child poverty in the state are in neighborhoods of Los Angeles that are just 20 to 30 miles apart. Similar differences can be seen in neighborhoods across the Silicon Valley. The concentration of poverty raises concerns that there are other factors about places—beyond just income level—that diminish the chances for residents to get ahead.

This map is surprising because it does not track one-for-one with unemployment or other economic indicators. Access to good-paying jobs is the number one factor in preventing poverty. But it is not sufficient because the cost of living (housing, child care) looms large—and those expenses tend to be higher in exactly the places where unemployment is lower and wages higher, making it hard to make ends meet even with a full-time job. High living expenses coupled with the long-term stagnation in low to middle incomes yields the high rates of poverty we see today even with very low unemployment rates.

In this context it is critically important to be aware of the role social safety net programs play in helping Californians make ends meet—as I mentioned the poverty rate would be 40% higher were it not for major means tested programs in California.  Nonetheless, California has the highest poverty rate in the country—even with a booming economy—so it is exactly the right time to discuss where the safety net falls short and what needs to be done.

Legislative District Data Offers Close-Up View of Poverty

Poverty varies widely across California’s 58 counties—from 13.1% in Placer County to 24.9% in Los Angeles County—according to data from the California Poverty Measure (CPM). The CPM is an ongoing collaboration between PPIC and the Stanford Center on Poverty and Inequality that adjusts for differing housing costs across counties and incorporates major social safety net programs like CalFresh food assistance and the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC).

For the first time, PPIC recently released CPM data showing poverty rates and the effects of safety net programs not just for counties, but also for state assembly and senate districts and US congressional districts.

Congressional districts provide a more detailed view of densely populated areas. While counties have static geographic boundaries, California’s congressional districts are adjusted after every decennial census to equalize their populations (in 2010, each of the 53 districts contained 702,905 people). This means that Los Angeles County’s 9.9 million residents, for example, vote in 18 different congressional districts. The county’s average poverty rate of 24.9% reflects both the 13.4% in poverty in District 33 and the 37.0% in District 40, a stark difference illustrated in the map below.

As might be expected, district-level data show even wider geographic variations in poverty than county-level data, from 12.4% in District 15, which includes parts of Alameda and Contra Costa Counties, to 37.0% in District 40, in Los Angeles County. The CPM also shows that without safety net programs, the variation would be even more extreme, ranging from 16.2% in District 33 to 50.3% in District 40.

While counties often take the lead in implementing programs that mitigate poverty, many funding decisions related to social safety net programs are made at the state and federal levels. Understanding the distribution of poverty can help policymakers at all levels develop short- and long-run strategies to alleviate it in every area of the state.

Child Poverty and California’s High Cost of Living

A quarter of young children in California live in poverty, yet the local variation in poverty rates is dramatic. Our recent report shows, for example, that the areas with the lowest and highest rates of child poverty in the state are less than 20 miles apart: child poverty is 4% in Redondo Beach, Manhattan Beach, and Hermosa Beach in Los Angeles County and 68% near southeastern LA City. (Data is for 2011–2014 combined, the most recent available).

Families adapt to California’s high cost of living in ways that vary across the state. The interactive map that accompanies our report allows stakeholders to investigate how their local area (defined to have a population of roughly 100,000) stacks up relative to other areas, their region, and the state as a whole.

For example, Selma, Kerman, and Coalinga make up a local area just west and south of Fresno. The area has a relatively high poverty rate of 30% among young children. Most of these children’s parents have limited education: 55% lack a high school degree compared with a statewide average of 37%. But for the most part they are working full-time (62% vs. 50% statewide). They also report the lowest annual housing costs ($5,888) of any area in the state. (We standardized this cost to represent a family of four.) This means they have a relatively low housing burden. Specifically, 18% of families living in poverty in this area use over half of their family resources to pay for housing, compared to the statewide average of 32%.

At the same time, 52% of poor children in this area live in overcrowded housing—about the same as in the state as a whole (55%) and higher than the regional average in the Central Valley (46%). Also, the share of working parents in these poor families who commute 60 minutes or more each way is relatively high at 14%, compared with 10% in the state as a whole.

In sum, the picture that emerges shows families of young children in poverty in this local area tend to have low housing costs relative to other parts of the state. Nevertheless, the cost of housing in inland California is still high compared to the rest of the country, and the data suggest poor families with young children in Selma, Kerman, and Coalinga are indeed making adaptations to cope with these costs—such as living in more crowded conditions and, in some cases, commuting long distances.

Child poverty is a difficult problem, both because it is so high in California and because the family circumstances that poor children experience can differ so much. Investigating varying patterns of housing and commuting across the state can help suggest how policies aimed at reducing the incidence—or severity—of poverty can be tailored to meet local and regional needs.